英语的使用范围非常广泛。世界上70%以上的邮件是用英文写或用英文写地址的。全世界的广播节目中，有60%是用英语进行的。国际上的资料绝大部分是用英语发表的。下面是小编带来的长篇英语文章带翻译，欢迎阅读!

长篇英语文章带翻译1

Britain Measuring poverty

英国 衡量贫困

The end of the line

贫困终止

The government sets out to redefine what it means to be poor

政府着手重新定义贫穷

When Seebohm Rowntree, a chocolate-maker and pioneering social researcher, beganmeasuring poverty in York in 1899, he worked out the minimum needed to buy enough foodfor “physical efficiency”. In 1935, when he repeated the study, Rowntree added allowances forcigarettes, newspapers and a holiday. By 1951 he concluded that poverty was on its waytowards being eradicated, with only pockets among the elderly left, and stopped counting.

1899年，当巧克力制造商和社会学家先驱的西伯姆·朗特里(Seebohm Rowntree)在约克(York)开始测量贫困，他提出了“最低温饱线”的理论。在1935年，在反复研究之后，他又推行了关于香烟，报纸以及假期的补贴制度。并在1951年的时候，他得出结论，称除了部分老人外，若按此方法进行下去将会贫困将会得到消除，因此他停下了研究的脚步。

Few now experience the raw penury of Rowntree’s day. But measuring poverty remains anobsession. In its dying days the last Labour government passed a law committing itssuccessors to reduce child poverty. That is causing trouble for the present lot. Under the law,poverty is defined primarily in relative terms: families with less than 60% of the median incomeare considered to be poor. On November 15th Iain Duncan Smith, the welfare secretary, wasset to launch a consultation to come up with a better definition. He wants to include thingsthat he regards as the real causes of want: worklessness, educational failure and drug andalcohol dependency.

现在很少有人能体验到朗特里时代的贫困。但是测衡贫困至今仍是个谜题。在上一届工党最后的执政日子里，通过了一项关于他们下届将会减少儿童贫困的法案。这对当下执政者造成了许多困扰。根据这项法律，贫穷的定义是相当于而言的：当家庭的收入低于收入中位数(median income)的60%时，即被认为是贫困。在11月15日，福利大臣伊恩·邓肯·史密斯(Iain Duncan Smith)着手组织咨询讨论，为其寻找一个更好的定义。他希望能把他认为真正导致贫困的原因加入进去即失业，辍学，吸毒以及酗酒。

There are several problems with the current measure. Because it is relative, it is influenced bychanges in overall earnings. Figures released over the summer showed a sharp reduction inchild poverty over the last year—mostly the result of falling median incomes rather than agenuine improvement. The measure fails to take into account the quality of services thatthe poor receive, such as education and health. Worst of all, from the point of view of a cash-strapped government, huge amounts of money must be spent on tax credits and other welfareprogrammes to raise family incomes up to the threshold.

目前贫困的标准存在几个问题。因为该标准属于相对标准，受整体收入变动的影响。如夏季公布的图表所示，与去年全年相比，今年同期的儿童贫困数量急剧下降，这主要是因为收入中位数的大幅下降并非现实状况的真正改善。这项措施并未将贫困儿童接受补助的质量纳入考虑范围，这其中就包括教育和医疗。对于现金拮据的政府来说，更糟糕的是，他们必须花费巨资在税务抵免和其他福利计划上，才能将家庭收入高于贫困线。

But several charities are nervous about changing how poverty is defined and suspect MrDuncan Smith of trying to wriggle out of a commitment to his predecessors’ targets. Thesehad some benign effects. Since 1999, when Tony Blair announced his ambition to end childpoverty, the profile of the poor has changed profoundly. Thanks to tax credits, theproportion of children living in households below the poverty line has fallen by around a third.Pensioners, who have been supported since 2003 with a special credit, are now less likely to bein poverty than younger people. But working-age adults without children are actually worse off:whereas 12% were considered to be in poverty in 1997, now 15% are.

但是一些慈善组织对重新定义贫困深感不安，并且怀疑这是这是邓肯·史密斯在逃避对其前任政府所定目标的承诺。那些目标还是有些积极地作用的。在1999年的时候，当托尼·布莱尔(Tony Blair)高调宣布，他将终结儿童贫困为己任，这一系列的措施让贫困儿童的现状发生了翻天覆地的变化。由于税收抵免，生活在贫困线之下儿童的比例较之前减少了1/3。自2003年以来领取养老金者便享受一项特殊津贴，相较于那些年轻人，他们受贫穷的可能性更低。但那些处于工作适龄却没有孩子的群体的经济状况实际上恶化了：在1997年，他们中有12%的人生活在贫困线以下，而现在已经达到了15%。

It is not clear that this progress will continue, says Chris Goulden, a researcher at the JosephRowntree Foundation. The government’s big welfare reform—the universal credit—createsstrong incentives for people to work for a few hours, which may help to increase incomes. Butother reforms work in the opposite direction. Mr Goulden reckons that child poverty willincrease significantly by 2020, mostly thanks to a change to how benefit rates are increasedwith inflation.

约瑟夫·朗特里基金会(Joseph Rowntree Foundation)的研究人员克里斯·戈尔登(Chris Goulden) 认为目前还不清楚的是，这项改进计划是否会持续进行，而政府一项中较大的福利改革——全社会的税收减免——极大地激励了人们每周增加工作时间，将有利于增加他们的收入。但是其他的改革却是与此背道而驰的。戈尔登认为，2020年儿童贫困将会大大的增加。这主要是因为即使福利保障水平会上涨，但是通货膨胀水平也会不断上升。

The long economic slump and the rising price of food and energy have already made life harderfor the very poorest. At a church in Brixton, in south London, desperate folk wait for parcelsof donated food. Many similar food banks have opened recently, mostly helping people in debt,or those whose benefits have been suspended. The church recently collected donations fromannual harvest festivals in schools. In the past, children collected food for the elderly, remarksthe vicar. Now they collect it for their classmates.

漫长的经济衰退时期以及粮食和能源价格的不断上涨，使得贫困者的生活更加举步维艰。在伦敦南部布里克斯顿(Brixton)的一座教堂里，无论可走的人们在等待人们捐赠的食物包裹 。而在近期，开放了许多类似的食物发放站，主要用来帮助那些负债累累或者救助金暂停发放的人们。而教堂近期的捐赠是从一年一度的校园收获感恩节(harvest festivals)上募集来的。牧师称，在过去，孩子们为老人家募捐。但是现在他们为自己的同学募捐。

长篇英语文章带翻译2

German politics

德国政治

When all parties lead to Angela

当所有政党都倾向安吉拉的时候

Confusion reigns in Germany’s party politics. That may not affect who wins next year’selection

德国政坛仍疑云重重，但丝毫不影响明年大选的胜者

Less than a year before Germany’s federal election, Chancellor Angela Merkel is doing well, atleast at home. Her centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its Bavarian sister party,the Christian Social Union (CSU), are leading in the polls. Better still, the other parties aremaking news either for being in a shambles or, whenever for a moment they are not, forspeculation that they might join a coalition in which Mrs Merkel would be senior partner andthus remain as chancellor.

离德国联邦大选还有不到一年的时间，但至少在国内事务方面，安吉拉·默克尔总理做的很好。在民意调查中，她领导的中右基督教民主联盟(CDU)和其巴伐利亚姊妹党，基督教社会联盟(CSD)占据了领先地位。好事成双，有关其他政党的新闻要么报道他们处于一片混乱，即使是当他们运行良好的时候，到处也都猜测他们将加入以默克尔为领导的联合政党，而她也将继续出任德国总理。

Mrs Merkel’s biggest coup has been to remain personally unsullied by the otherwisedisappointing performance of the ruling coalition of the CDU and CSU with the smaller FreeDemocratic Party (FDP). The world might assume that German politics is given over to thecountry’s responsibility to save the euro. Instead, the CSU and FDP have spent most of theirpolitical energy on tactical projects that are either daft (for the CSU) or petty (the FDP).

尽管由基督教民主联盟(CDU)和基督教社会联盟(CSU)以及规模稍小的自由民主党(FDP)组成的执政联盟在其他方面表现令人失望，但是默克尔总理始终保持个人清白，这是她最妙的招。全世界都认为德国政坛一直致力于履行本国对拯救欧元区的职责。相反，基督教社会联盟(CSU)和自由民主党(FDP)将他们大部分政治能量都花在他们那些愚蠢(CSU)和琐碎(FDP)的战术项目上。

This month, for example, the CSU tried to pander to Bavaria’s family-values voters by pushingthrough a new subsidy to parents who care for toddlers at home rather than sending them toa creche. Conveniently, the payments will begin next August, just before both the Bavarian andthe federal elections. Most parties, notably the FDP, see this policy as an expensive stepbackwards for a modern society that could leave children of poor families deprived of education.But the FDP accepted it in return for getting rid of a 10 ($12.6) fee that publicly insuredpatients have to pay once a quarter when they see their doctor.

举个例子，本月基督教社会联盟(CSU)推动了一项新的补贴措施，给在家照顾学步儿童而不是送他们到托儿所的父母提供津贴，以试图迎合巴伐利亚重视家庭价值观的选民。恰逢时宜的是，该补贴明年8月就开始发放，恰好在巴伐利亚大选和联邦大选之前。以自由民主党(FDP)为主的大部分政党认为该政策是现代社会倒退的一步，其代价之昂贵可能会剥夺贫困家庭孩子的受教育机会。但是自由民主党(FDP)还是接受了该政策，并作为回报减免了10欧元(12.6美元)的费用，这公开地保证了需每季度支付一次医药费的病人的生活。

That the FDP is reduced to horse-trading over such minutiae says a lot about the collapse ofthis once-grand liberal party. The polls suggest it may get less than 5% of votes in theelection, and would thus be ejected from the Bundestag. If an election in Lower Saxony inJanuary confirms such a poor showing, the FDP’s leader, Philipp Rosler (who is also economicsminister), will surely have to go. There are even rumours of a plot to oust him sooner.

自由民主党(FDP)沦落到在这种细枝末节上讨价还价，这很大程度上体现了这个曾今的伟大的自由政党的沦陷。民意调查显示其在大选中得到的选票不会超过5%，而且可能会因此被驱逐出联邦议院。如果一月份下萨克森州进行的大选证实了这个糟糕的调查结果，那么FDP的领导人，菲利普·罗斯勒(他还是经济部长)，将不得不离职。甚至有传言他们已经在密谋立刻驱逐他。

With the coalition so preoccupied, the main opposition Social Democratic Party (SPD) mighthave been expected to attack more effectively. That was the idea behind picking PeerSteinbruck, a famously sharp-tongued former finance minister, as the party’s candidate forchancellor. Mr Steinbruck has, however, become embroiled in a sustained debate about thespeaking fees he has been earning on the side (1.25m since 2009, the highest of anyBundestag member). Never loved by his party’s blue-collar and trade-union base, MrSteinbruck, the millionaire, may have turned off many of his erstwhile comrades completely.

由于联合政府占据着显著的主导地位，主要的反对派社会民主党(SPD)可能需要采取更加有效的政治攻击。一个幕后想法就是推选以言语犀利而著称的前财政部长佩尔·施泰因布吕尔为该党的总理候选人。然而，施泰因布吕尔卷入到一场有关他在位期间所得的高额演讲费的持续辩论中(从2009年至今高达125万欧元，德国联邦议员中的最高值)。百万富翁施泰因布吕尔先生从来没有得到他所在党派的蓝领阶层和工会基地的厚爱，他可能已经完全失去了许多昔日同事的信任。

It is telling that the SPD chairman, Sigmar Gabriel, is continually having to parry questionsabout an election outcome in which the SPD would play second fiddle to Mrs Merkel in another“grand coalition”, like the one Germany had from 2005-09. Absolutely not, insist both Mr Gabrieland Mr Steinbruck, claiming that they overlap ideologically only with the Greens, the othercentre-left party. (The Left Party is still considered too toxic to touch, for it descends largelyfrom the old East German Communist Party, and it is anyway also struggling to stay inparliament.)

有消息称大选结果将会产生另外一个和德国2005-09期间实行的非常相似的“大联合政府”，而社会民主党(SPD)将会充当默克尔总理的副手，关于该结果的问题层出不穷，社会民主党(SPD)主席西格玛尔·加布里尔不得不一直回避这些问题。绝不可能，加布里尔和施泰因布吕尔都坚决否认，他们声称他们的思想理念只和另一个中左党派绿党(the Greens)有异曲同工之妙。(左翼党仍然被民众认为是有害政党而不愿涉及，因为其很大程度上起源于老派的东德共产党，而且无论如何它也挣扎在议会的边缘。)

The SPD is terrified whenever the Greens generate optimism for the wrong reason: theirsuitability as an alternative coalition partner for Mrs Merkel. The Greens have been on a rollsince capturing the mayorship of Stuttgart, capital of the rich south-western state of Baden-Wurttemberg, which is also the first and so far only state to be governed by a Green premier.Their success is credited to the dominance within the party’s southern branch of the “realo”wing: pragmatists who can appeal to ecologically minded but conservative urban voters.Such “bourgeois” Greens could get along fine with the CDU and CSU in Berlin, goes thethinking.

社会民主党(SPD)无时无刻不担心绿党由于错误原因而过分乐观：他们可以作为默克尔的备用的联盟伙伴。自从夺得了斯图加特市长的职位后，绿党一直运行顺畅。斯图加特是德国南部富有的巴登-符腾堡州的首都，这也是绿党总理控制的第一个也是到目前为止唯一一个州。他们的成功在于很好地控制了该党南部的分支现实主义党人：他们都是实用主义者，能够吸引生态意识强烈但是保守的城市选民。进一步说，这些“资产阶级”绿党人士将会和柏林的基督教民主联盟(CDU)和基督教社会联盟(CSU)很好地相处。

As if to reinforce this impression, the Greens have just elected Katrin Goring-Eckardt, aleader in the Lutheran church who is from the east and is by Green standards a conservative,as their co-candidate for chancellor. (The other candidate, Jurgen , was almost preordained,for the Greens always pair a woman and a man.) Ms Goring-Eckardt’s selection was a rebuff toClaudia Roth, a flamboyant leftist. The choice immediately renewed speculation about an olivebranch to the CDU.

似乎是为了加强这种印象，绿党刚刚选举了卡特琳·格林-埃卡尔德担任总理的联合候选人。来自东部的卡特琳·格林-埃卡尔德是路德教会的领导人，按照绿党标准，她是一个保守派。(另外一个候选人尤尔根·特利汀，这几乎是内定的，因为绿党习惯于推选男女候选人各一名。)格林-埃卡尔德的入选是对虚张声势的左派克劳迪娅·罗斯的有力回击。这个选择很快就被认为是向基督教民主联盟(CDU)抛出的橄榄枝。

The relative decline of the traditional main parties, the CDU and SPD, in favour of smaller andyounger ones, explains much of this party manoeuvring. Some of these may just be fads. ThePirates have done well in four state elections but now seem to be self-destructing, unable toform basic policy and being generally tedious. Yet, as German society becomes moreindividualistic, says Oskar Niedermayer, a professor at Berlin’s Free University, traditional partystructures based on interest groups (Catholics, say, or trade unionists) lose appeal, leavingallegiances in flux.

传统的重要党派(如CDU和SPD)的相对衰落，规模较小和年轻的党派逐渐获得支持，这很大程度上解释了这个政党运作。有些政党只是一时潮流。海盗党(The Pirates)在4个州的选举中表现得相当出色，但是现在他们似乎已经要自我毁灭了，他们无法形成基本方针，而且非常单一。然而，随着德国社会越来越个人主义化，传统的建立在利益集团(天主教徒或工会主义者)之上的政党结构已经失去了吸引力，这使得民众的忠诚飘忽不定，柏林自由大学的教授奥斯卡·尼德迈尔说道。

At the same time and despite the campaign rhetoric, the differences between the main partieshave, he thinks, got smaller, making any radical change of direction unlikely. That is especiallytrue next year, since it seems increasingly likely that Mrs Merkel, with her safe pair of hands, willcontinue as chancellor. Only her coalition partner remains to be chosen.

同时，他认为，尽管在这个时候竞选高调四起，主要政党之间的区别却已经变得越来越小，他们也不可能给大选方向带来巨变。这个现象在明年格外如此，因为越来越多的现象表明拥有放心的帮手的默克尔将连任德国总理。而等待我们选择的只有她的联合政党的伙伴。

长篇英语文章带翻译3

The time-bomb at the heart of Europe

欧洲中心的定时炸弹

Why France could become the biggest danger to Europe’s single currency

为什么法国会成为欧洲单一货币体系的最大危机

The threat of the euro’s collapse has abated for the moment, but putting the single currencyright will involve years of pain. The pressure for reform and budget cuts is fiercest in Greece,Portugal, Spain and Italy, which all saw mass strikes and clashes with police this week. Butahead looms a bigger problem that could dwarf any of these: France.

欧盟瓦解的威胁日益减少，但是实行单一货币政策所带来的痛楚会持续数年。对于希腊来说来自于改革和财政预算赤字的压力是非常大的。葡萄牙，西班牙和意大利本周都发生了大规模的游行示威活动。但是摆在面前的还有一个更大的问题：法国。

The country has always been at the heart of the euro, as of the European Union. PresidentFrancois Mitterrand argued for the single currency because he hoped to bolster Frenchinfluence in an EU that would otherwise fall under the sway of a unified Germany. France hasgained from the euro: it is borrowing at record low rates and has avoided the troubles of theMediterranean. Yet even before May, when Francois Hollande became the country’s first Socialistpresident since Mitterrand, France had ceded leadership in the euro crisis to Germany. And nowits economy looks increasingly vulnerable as well.

法国这个国家是欧洲，也是欧盟的中心。弗朗索瓦·密特朗表示支持单一货币政策因为他希望提高法国在欧盟的影响，否则迟早会败于统一后的德国手里。法国已经从欧盟得到了甜头：它以相对低的利率从而成功规避了地中海地区的问题。即使在五月之前，当奥朗德成为自密特朗，这位转让了法国在欧盟经济危机的主导权给德国的总统后，法国的第一位社会党总统。法国的经济体系已经相当脆弱了。

As our special report in this issue explains, France still has many strengths, but its weaknesseshave been laid bare by the euro crisis. For years it has been losing competitiveness toGermany and the trend has accelerated as the Germans have cut costs and pushed throughbig reforms. Without the option of currency devaluation, France has resorted to publicspending and debt. Even as other EU countries have curbed the reach of the state, it hasgrown in France to consume almost 57% of GDP, the highest share in the euro zone. Becauseof the failure to balance a single budget since 1981, public debt has risen from 22% of GDPthen to over 90% now.

就像我们的特别报道中提到的，法国仍然具有很大实力，但是其脆弱的部分在欧盟危机中已经体现无疑。法国在近年来与德国的竞争中已经逐渐失去了力量，特别是当德国开始减少开支和进行大的改革后。没有欧元贬值的机遇，法国已经踏上不得不向求助于公共开支和贷款的道路了。即使想其他欧盟国家一样努力的避免走上这条路，仍避免不了其越来越高的GDP消耗--- GDP的消耗已经高达57%，高于其他欧盟区国家。因为从1981年起，由于其对于单一预算的失误，公共债务已经从GDP的22%上升到了如今的90%。

The business climate in France has also worsened. French firms are burdened by overly rigidlabour- and product-market regulation, exceptionally high taxes and the euro zone’sheaviest social charges on payrolls. Not surprisingly, new companies are rare. France has fewersmall and medium-sized enterprises, today’s engines of job growth, than Germany, Italy orBritain. The economy is stagnant, may tip into recession this quarter and will barely grow nextyear. Over 10% of the workforce, and over 25% of the young, are jobless. The externalcurrent-account deficit has swung from a small surplus in 1999 into one of the euro zone’sbiggest deficits. In short, too many of France’s firms are uncompetitive and the country’sbloated government is living beyond its means.

法国的商业氛围也愈加的坏了。法国的公司承担的巨大的劳工和市场的管理条例，特别是高额的税收和欧盟区最高的社保支付。意料之中的，新公司非常的少。法国的中小型企业越来越少，其就业压力也超过德国，意大利和英国。经济停滞不前，甚至在这个季度有所倒退，未来的增长率也是不被看好的。再者，法国将会有超过10%的劳动力，超过25%的年轻劳动力将会无工作可做。在外，现如今的财政状况也令人堪忧，在1999年还小有剩余，如今却成了整个欧盟地区的最大赤字国。总的来说，太多的法国公司没有竞争力，其骄傲的政府也并未发挥出作用。

Hollande at bay Hollande

等待起航

With enough boldness and grit, Mr Hollande could now reform France. His party holds powerin the legislature and in almost all the regions. The left should be better able than the right topersuade the unions to accept change. Mr Hollande has acknowledged that France lackscompetitiveness. And, encouragingly, he has recently promised to implement many of thechanges recommended in a new report by Louis Gallois, a businessman, including reducing theburden of social charges on companies. The president wants to make the labour market moreflexible. This week he even talked of the excessive size of the state, promising to “do better,while spending less”.

有着足够的勇气和毅力，奥朗德先生可以开始振兴法国了。他所在的政党在渗入于司法界和各种区域。左派会比优派更容易说服联邦区接受改革。奥朗德先生已经了解到法国缺乏竞争力。更加歌舞人心的是他最近承诺的实行一系列由路易高卢瓦提出的新提案，包括减少公司承担的社保金。这说明，总统想要使劳动力市场更加的活跃。这周他甚至提出要改变现在的状况，承诺“花费最少，做的更好”。

Yet set against the gravity of France’s economic problems, Mr Hollande still seems half-hearted.Why should business believe him when he has already pushed through a string of leftishmeasures, including a 75% top income-tax rate, increased taxes on companies, wealth, capitalgains and dividends, a higher minimum wage and a partial rollback of a previously acceptedrise in the pension age? No wonder so many would-be entrepreneurs are talking of leaving thecountry.

然而面对法国严重的经济问题。奥朗德先生显得力不从心。当他已经开始推行一系列左派的措施，包括最高75%的收入税率，增长公司，财产，资本收入和红利的税收，更高的最低工资，和降低部分之前已经升高的最低退休年龄时，这些措施使商界更难以相信他。因此，越来越多的企业家选择离开这个国家。

European governments that have undertaken big reforms have done so because there was adeep sense of crisis, because voters believed there was no alternative and because politicalleaders had the conviction that change was unavoidable. None of this describes Mr Hollandeor France. During the election campaign, Mr Hollande barely mentioned the need for business-friendly reform, focusing instead on ending austerity. His Socialist Party remains unmodernisedand hostile to capitalism: since he began to warn about France’s competitiveness, hisapproval rating has plunged. Worse, France is aiming at a moving target. All euro-zonecountries are making structural reforms, and mostly faster and more extensively than France isdoing (see article). The IMF recently warned that France risks being left behind by Italy andSpain.

欧盟政府承诺的大改革已经开始，因为存在的深切的金融危机感，因为投票者相信已经没有选择，因为执政者们相信改变是不可避免的了。尽管如此，以上任何一种都不能形容奥朗德先生和法国。在大选期间，奥朗德先生很少提到对于友好的商业改革的需要，而是更加关注于结束紧缩。他所在的政党始终保持保守态度，对于资本化持有敌意：自从他提出关于法国竞争力的问题，他的支持率便开始跳水。更加糟糕的是，法国的目标一直在变动。所有欧元区的国家都开始实施框架上的改革，并且相对法国来所更快且集中。国际货币基金组织最近警告说法国的危机已经高于意大利和西班牙。

At stake is not just the future of France, but that of the euro. Mr Hollande has correctlybadgered Angela Merkel for pushing austerity too hard. But he has hidden behind his napkinwhen it comes to the political integration needed to solve the euro crisis. There has to begreater European-level control over national economic policies. France has reluctantly ratifiedthe recent fiscal compact, which gives Brussels extra budgetary powers. But neither the elitenor the voters are yet prepared to transfer more sovereignty, just as they are unprepared fordeep structural reforms. While most countries discuss how much sovereignty they will have togive up, France is resolutely avoiding any debate on the future of Europe. Mr Hollande wasbadly burned in 2005 when voters rejected the EU constitutional treaty after his party splitdown the middle. A repeat of that would pitch the single currency into chaos.

危险的并不只是法国的未来，同样也是欧盟的未来。因为推行紧缩的难度，奥德朗先生正确的纠正了安格拉·默克尔的问题。但是当面对解决欧盟债务危机的政治整合问题时，他又躲了起来。整个欧盟区的调控不得不高于国家的经济政策。法国勉强同意了最近的政府财政条约，这给了Brussels额外的预算上的优势。但是无论是精英还是投票者都对主权转移没有准备，就如他们对结构改革没有准备一样。当大多数国家在讨论他们会给出多大的主权让步时，法国坚定的拒绝关于欧盟未来的讨论。奥朗德先生被惹火上身在2005年当投票者拒绝欧盟的宪法条约时也是他所在政党分裂之后。这样的重复也会使单一货币政策陷入混乱。

Too big not to succeed?

太大不利于成功?

Our most recent special report on a big European country (in June 2011) focused on Italy’sfailure to reform under Silvio Berlusconi; by the end of the year he was out—and change hadbegun. So far investors have been indulgent of France; indeed, long-term interest rates havefallen a bit. But sooner or later the centime will drop. You cannot defy economics for long.

我们最近的关于欧洲国家的特别报道集中在西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼领导下的意大利的不支持改革上。在年末的时候他出局了，改革得以开始。至今为止，投资者都太娇惯法国了，因此长期利率只跌了一点。但是，迟早生丁会贬值。因为，没有人可以长时间的违背经济规律。

Unless Mr Hollande shows that he is genuinely committed to changing the path his country hasbeen on for the past 30 years, France will lose the faith of investors—and of Germany. Asseveral euro-zone countries have found, sentiment in the markets can shift quickly. The crisiscould hit as early as next year. Previous European currency upheavals have often startedelsewhere only to finish by engulfing France—and this time, too, France rather than Italy orSpain could be where the euro’s fate is decided. Mr Hollande does not have long to defuse thetime-bomb at the heart of Europe.

除非奥朗德先生表示他真诚的承诺改变他的国家坚持了30年的道路，不然法国将会使投资者和德国失去信心。正如一些欧元区的国家已经发现的，市场的敏感度时在快速变化的。危机可能会在明年早期就到来。之前的已经发生在其他地区的欧元的巨大变动同样会吞没法国。法国会超过意大利和西班牙决定欧盟的灭亡。奥朗德先生已经没有多少时间拆除这个在欧洲中心的定时炸弹了。